Karl Marx changed the landscape of human thought forever
when he published his radical political philosophy, otherwise known as
‘communism’. Ever since numerous activists, thinkers and rulers have pledged
allegiance to the Marxist tradition, attempting to implement the revolution
required to liberate the poor. An even more influential man is Jesus of
Nazareth, the central figure of the Christian religion, with estimates
projecting almost two billion people today following the teachings of this
faith. In the last century, some people have suggested that Christ was a
Marxist before Marx, his teachings merely reflecting the truth of communism and
that the heavenly kingdom he speaks of is the same as the ideal community Marx
described. In this article, I will argue that Christ was not a Marxist, nor is
Marxism a palatable philosophy. I shall do this by first pointing out a
number of the flaws of Marxism, which Christian ethics does not have. Then, an
analysis of what would constitute the ‘heavenly kingdom’ shall ensue, which
will rebut the notion that God’s kingdom is Marxist in nature. In short, I agree with Hampson that 'communism has neither as good means nor as good an end as the Christian worldview.'
As this article is already lengthy, I shall not myself offer
expositions of Marxism or what Christian ethics constitutes. Rather, if you are
not clear on what these terms are taken to mean, you can click on the links for
broad guides to these doctrines:
http://www.request.org.uk/issues/topics/ethics/ethics01.htm
The first challenge Marxism faces is that if propounds the
‘Promethean Illusion’ (Niebuhr). Christian Realists argue that human beings are
insecure, because we are ‘dependent and finite’, relying on God as the source
of our continued existence. The ‘noble faith’ recognises are immediate
predicament and places all hope and trust in Christ, who has shown his
unconditional, unique love for us as the ‘suffering God’, dying on a cross in
Judea for the rebel creation (Moltmann). However, out of ‘pride’, humanity
often tried to turn its ‘weaknesses into strengths’, attempting to gain
security (Niebuhr). Such behaviour leads to power and injustice, oppressing
others to secure one’s own safety. It is in ‘trying to transcend our
creaturliness’ we not only ‘offend God’ but creation’s harmony and balance. All
our attempts are futile in the face of suffering and death, for no act of
humanity can eradicate the finite and limited nature we possess. This is the
mark of false prophecy: offering security to humans as long as they do such and
such. All utopianism, which is trademark of enlightenment thinking, falls into
the snare of imagining human volition can reorder the cosmos around us. It is
only in recognising we will face immediate perils in that uphold the majesty of
the divine.
Communism upholds false prophecy because it suggests
alienation and suffering can be significantly minimised if we instigate revolution,
a collective human action. Through the will of the many, humanity can
reconfigure social structures to rid humanity of the ailments of capitalism.
However, the projected Marxist state can solve none of our deepest yearnings.
It offers no answers to the intrinsic dependence and vulnerability as part of a
cosmic existence. It cannot provide any solution to gaping jaws of death. Worst
of all, it actively purports that human action alone can save humanity.
Communism presents the illusion that if social relations are corrected, then
immediate security will ensue. This pride in human ability is itself the source
of moral evil, and not only upholds falsity but encourages dangerous actions of
self-righteousness. Without belief in God, hope in humanity’s future is only
procured by thinking that humans can change the cosmic order, which is absurd.
Perhaps it is out of wish fulfilment that Marxism holds to a utopian future
(Feurbach).
By contrast, Christianity openly accepts that suffering and
hardship will ensue, no matter the course of human action taken. Indeed, ‘A
Christian is someone who shares the sufferings of God in the world.’ (Bonhoeffer)
as is alluded to multiple times in Scripture. 1 Peter 4:12–13: ‘Beloved, do not
be surprised at the fiery trial when it comes upon you to test you, as though
something strange were happening to you. But rejoice insofar as you share
Christ’s sufferings, that you may also rejoice and be glad when his glory is
revealed.’ Clearly, the Christian worldview does not propound a vision of
reality where faith removes suffering or evil. Rather, it is the hope and trust
in the love of God and the promise of immortality which sustains the faith of
the disciple in immediate pain. It is in the realisation of our powerlessness
that we begin to undercut the source of moral evil, which Marxism seeks to
uphold.
A second problem is that the Marxist holds that one can make
a desirable society without the people within that social setup being moral.
Communists believe that if private property is abolished, the means of
production returned to the proletariat, that if society is structured as a
commune, then alienation and other ailments will dissipate. However, this seems
to presuppose that living in such a system will configure just people. Yet this
seems thesis commits the same fallacious move that many other political
philosophies do, that a community can be just without the people being just. If
individuals within a system are not good and seek only their self-interest,
then it does not matter what their relations are to other people: they will
still exploit and damage other people’s livelihoods. If individuals are not
virtuous, then it does not matter how they are socially arranged. Moral evil
will continue to ensue, taking different forms. Rather, focus should be on the
ethical regeneration of individuals, building moral character through loving
relationships. Changing social structures has been done before and achieved
nothing, for without the people in the system being modified, the system will
always be unjust.
The implication of this is that all social constructs,
whether it is communist, capatilist, theocracy, feudalist, socialist and even
potentially fascist social structures can all be just provided the people
within them are just. For example, take Bournville in Birmingham. This area was
owned by the Cadbury family, who were the innovators behind the famous
Cadbury’s Chocolate. Being Quakers (a Christian denomination), the Cadbury’s
believed it was their responsibility to look after the wellbeing of their
employees. Thus, they provided homes, health, education and leisure for their
labourers, creating a vibrant and happy community. It was this act of kindness,
in a capitalist system, which helped make the people of the area just, for the
owners used their time and money to improve the welfare of their society. Thus,
Bournville was known for its gracious community spirit, always willing to lend
a hand in times of need. So clearly, there can be a just community within a
framework which is not Marxist, because it is the people, not the system, which
determine the goodness of a society.
Jesus recognised that it is people, not social systems,
which matter in political and ethical discourse. Thus, when he founded his new
community (the Church) it was a ‘distinct community with a deviant set of
values’ (Yoder). These values consisted in: 1) it was ‘voluntary’ – one only
becomes a Christian if one wants to be a Christian as no one can force you to
trust in Jesus; 2) it was of ‘generic composition’ – it was not just the poor,
or the rich, or one race or another. It was a society which allowed all groups,
the margianlised and the popular, regardless of those things one is born with.
3) It had a ‘new set of values’ – the people in this group put love, faith and
hope at the centre of their worldview, using it to direct their actions in
every way. It was the commands of Christ to love God with all your ‘heart, mind
and soul’ and to love your neighbour as yourself which drove their ethical
decision making, reforming their predispositions and enabled Christians to gain
a reputation of peaceful and moral folk. Christian society was grounded in
sanctification of the individual, a recognition that God’s kingdom could only
be on earth when everyone loves one another. Thus, Christianity is once more
superior to Marxism, as it recognises that it is people, not social relations,
which need to be transformed to make a society just.
Thirdly, Marxism supports the use of violence and conflict
to achieve its ends, which is entirely unjustified. Communists are concerned
with writing ‘metanarratives’, reshaping the course of history around their
political goals (Hauerwas). They want to change the traditions and attitudes of
a society, making deep structural alterations which mould a communities past in
a new light. They want to redefine and interpret the past in light of a
communist society. This is not uncommon for groups who aspire to political
revolution: the French Revolutionaries created a new calendar, a new way dividing
up time and a new religion. In his ‘Clean Slate Thesis’, Toumlin conjectures
such an approach can only lead to ‘rivers of blood’. To overthrow the present
narrative, one must remove those who are identified with the current system.
This will lead to violence and death, the killing of individuals in order to
tinker with history. However, that which endangers life should be ‘oppressed’
(Aquinas), for it is the most apparent truth in nature that life is precious
and should not be threatened at any cost. The Marxist violates the natural
right to life in order to implement a communist society, which is morally wrong
and commits the same crime the bourgeoisie also uphold. The problem is, such
‘zealotry… changes too little’ (Yoder), for the sword still rules and the
‘self-righteousness of the mighty is upheld’. Removing one group by force
simply leads to vengeance and injustice, for revolutionaries have used a means
of acquiring power which was the same means the previous rulers used, and thus,
all they have done is continue the cycle of suffering.
On the other hand, Christianity has a long history of
supporting non-violence. Jesus taught to ‘love your enemy’ and to ‘turn the
other cheek’ in the face of oppression. In 1 Peter, the author states we should
‘repay evil with a blessing’. Marx describes this as ‘despicable rubbish’, yet
the willingness to forgive and embrace the persecutor is at the heart of Jesus’
‘Original Revolution’ (Yoder). When violence is met with love, the cycle of
suffering comes to an end, with injustice countered with a much more powerful
warmth and affection which can change human hearts. This approach can help
build relationships anew, start diplomatic negotiations and mend schisms
amongst warring peoples. Yet it is only if one refuses to ‘define themselves by
their enemies who can bless them’ (Volf). The Christian identity is that of
being ‘reborn into a living hope’, through the life, death and resurrection of
Jesus. His love forms the centre of a Christian life, and one’s self-understanding
should start from Him. This is a positive identity, independent of other
people. By contrast, the Marxist defines herself as an opposition to the
current world order, for their identity is moulded around a mission to displace
those currently in power to change social structures. Thus, they will always be
in conflict with capitalists and fascists, pushing them away at every turn. As
such, only violence can ensue, once more upholding the existing values of
oppression. Therefore, the Marxist identity not only encourages violence but
fails to solve the oppression of others by using conflict as a means of
revolution, in stark contrast to Jesus’ teachings.
An example of this regards the recent attacks on Muslims in
light of last week’s terrorist attack. To counter the EDL, a number of groups,
such as UAF, had organised counter demonstrations to voice their opposition.
However, these protests actually invigorate groups like the EDL, who thrive on
violence and conflict. Forming large groups to challenge them in an aggressive
way is exactly what they want, and does little to dissuade those who are
fascist from being fascist. By contrast, the actions of a Muslim community in
York were far more successful without resorting to violence. Rather than defend
their Mosque from the oncoming attackers, they went out to the volatile crowd
and offered them tea and biscuits. The EDL gladly accepted, spoke with the Muslims,
and then went on their way peacefully, having received the kindness of a group
they had sought to attack. This put a stop to the violence in that area, and
was a powerful act. It is a testament to the teaching which Christ advocated,
that non-violent public witness is a far greater alternative to violent
upheaval, as Marxism supports.
So Marxism would seem to endorse a false sense of immediate security,
uphold the doctrine states can be just without the people being in them being
just and violent methods of usurpation, which Christianity rightly does not claim.
As such, Jesus could not have been a Marxist. However, some Christians may
argue that whilst Christ is not strictly a Marxist, the communist society is
like God’s heavenly kingdom. Marx did not get everything right, but like other
secular philosophers, he identified certain truths about reality. Just as he
pictured the ideal community as being classless, without private property and
arranged on a needs basis, so too the divine society can be thought of in such
a way. Since thinkers like Plato and Aristotle, whilst not in entire agreement
with Christian doctrine, the essence of what they taught has been thought of as
drawing out truths, so too Marx may be seen in the same way. However, in the
following passage, I shall argue that in fact the heavenly kingdom cannot be
Marxist.
Communism purports that the ideal society is composed of
entirely equal members. No one has more rights or property of power than anyone
else. All people just take what they need from the commune and contribute the
rest to allow others to take what they need. However, this incompatible with
Christianity because it would mean the Triune God would be equal with humanity.
As the ‘greatest conceivable being’ (Anselm) only God can be Lord, and as the
creator of the world, all creation is His property. Thus, Christians believe
all things are owned by God, and we are subjects to His rule. The divine
community is one composed of individuals who recognise Christ’s Lordship, His
superiority and right to use as He sees fit. This is directly opposed to
Marxism, which has to have no Lordship or class within its social relations.
Therefore, God’s heavenly kingdom cannot be Marxist, for Jesus would have to be
equal with humans, which ontologically is absurd.
Furthermore, violence would be the natural result of a Marxist community. Often, thinkers have associated violent behaviour with power. However Arendt has persuasively argued that power comes from the collective will and does not need violence to achieve any of its goals, since voluntary compliance takes its place. This would be the Christian kingdom, where God’s sovereign power over those who conform to His rule. By contrast, violence arises from the absence of power. Marxism envisions a society with the ‘rule by no one’, and as such in the absence of legitimate authority individuals will impose their will on others. With no power base, people will be forced towards violent means to achieve their ends. Yet this is in direct contrast with the peaceful place we think of heaven as being. Thus, Christian society cannot be Marxist.
Drawing the threads of the article together, I have argued
that Jesus was not a Marxist in any respect. Firstly, I argued that Christian
teachings are superior to Marxist theory because Marxism promotes the ‘Promethian
Illusion’, endorses the view that the state can be just without its inhabitants
being just and allows for the violation of the right to life, all which Christ
rejected. Furthermore, I claimed the heavenly kingdom is not communist, for God
stands in a superior position to humans, and the Marxist community would result
in violence. Therefore, I conclude Christian ethics is not only not the same as
Marxism, but superior to Karl Marx’s philosophy.
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